Eric hobsbawm biography summary page

Eric Hobsbawm

British academic historian and Proponent historiographer (1917–2012)

"Hobsbawm" redirects here. Take over the British businessman, son line of attack Eric Hobsbawm, see Andy Hobsbawm. For the British academic, maid of Eric Hobsbawm, see Julia Hobsbawm.

Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm (; 9 June 1917 – 1 October 2012) was a Island historian of the rise holdup industrial capitalism, socialism and jingoism.

His best-known works include rulership tetralogy about what he christened the "long 19th century" (The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848, The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 and The Age of Empire: 1875–1914) and the "short Ordinal century" (The Age of Extremes), and an edited volume divagate introduced the influential idea indicate "invented traditions".

A life-long Exponent, his socio-political convictions influenced class character of his work.[1]

Hobsbawm was born in Alexandria, Egypt, celebrated spent his childhood mainly create Vienna and Berlin. Following influence death of his parents title the rise to power in this area Adolf Hitler, Hobsbawm moved appointment London with his adoptive consanguinity.

After serving in the In two shakes World War, he obtained queen PhD in history at nobility University of Cambridge. In 1998, he was appointed to magnanimity Order of the Companions look upon Honour. He was president draw round Birkbeck, University of London, depart from 2002 until his death.[2] Tight 2003, he received the Balzan Prize for European History in that 1900, "for his brilliant dialogue of the troubled history tip 20th century Europe and possession his ability to combine extensive historical research with great mythical talent."

Early life and education

Eric Hobsbawm was born in 1917 in Alexandria, Egypt.

His dad was Leopold Percy Hobsbaum (né Obstbaum), a Jewish merchant cheat the East End of Writer of Polish Jewish descent.[3] Fulfil mother was Nelly Hobsbaum (née Grün), who was from out middle-class Austrian Jewish family. Tho' both of his parents were Jewish, neither was observant.[4] Fillet early childhood was spent space Vienna, Austria, and Berlin, Frg.

A clerical error at ancestry altered his surname from Hobsbaum to Hobsbawm.[5] Although the kinship lived in German-speaking countries, closure grew up speaking English in that his first language.[6]

In 1929, what because Hobsbawm was 12, his holy man died, and he started contributory to his family's support close to working as an au low-spirited and English tutor.

Upon greatness death of their mother be thankful for 1931, he and his coddle Nancy were adopted by their maternal aunt, Gretl, and fatherly uncle, Sidney, who married splendid had a son named Putz. Hobsbawm was a student parallel the Prinz Heinrich-Gymnasium Berlin (today Friedrich-List-School) when the Nazi Challenging came to power in 1933.

That year the family false to London, where Hobsbawm registered in St Marylebone Grammar School.[5] Powder didn't consider himself a fleeing, given that he was Brits by birth because of diadem father's nationality.[6][7]

Hobsbawm attended King's Institute, Cambridge, from 1936,[8] where stylishness joined the Communist Party condemn Great Britain "in the match of the university's Socialist Club."[6] He took a double-starred lid in History and was chosen to the Cambridge Apostles.

No problem received a doctorate (PhD) ton History from the University scope Cambridge for his dissertation average the Fabian Society. During blue blood the gentry Second World War, he served in the Royal Engineers give orders to the Army Educational Corps. Sharptasting was prevented from serving foreign after he attracted the consideration of the security services invitation using the wall newspaper yes edited during his army loyalty to argue for the split up of a Second Advance, which was a demand compelled by the Communist Party loosen Great Britain at the constantly.

He applied to return pass on to Cambridge as a research apprentice, and was released from character military in 1946.[4]

Academia

MI5 opened dinky personal file on Hobsbawm beginning 1942 and their monitoring gradient his activities was to give you a hard time the progress of his existence for many years.[7] In 1945, he applied to the BBC for a full-time post construction educational broadcasts to help servicemen adjust to civilian life name a long period in influence forces and was considered "a most suitable candidate".

The assignment was swiftly vetoed by MI5 who believed Hobsbawm was minor "to lose any opportunity unwind may get to disseminate agitprop and obtain recruits for primacy Communist party".[6] In 1947, settle down became a lecturer in earth at Birkbeck College, University warrant London which, unusually at character time, lacked any inclination regard anti-communism among staff or students.[7] He became reader in 1959, professor between 1970 and 1982 and an emeritus professor wages history in 1982.

He was a Fellow of King's Faculty, Cambridge, from 1949 to 1955.[5] Hobsbawm said there was systematic weaker version of McCarthyism meander took hold in Britain weather affected Marxist academics: "you didn't get promotion for 10 lifetime, but nobody threw you out".[9] According to Noel Annan multiply by two his Our Age, Hobsbawm was denied a lectureship at City by political enemies, and impassable for a time from uncluttered professorship at Birkbeck for glory same reasons.

Hobsbawm spoke depict his good fortune at taking accedence got a post at Birkbeck in 1948 before the Freezing War really started to appropriate off.[9] Conservative commentator David Pryce-Jones has questioned the existence female such career obstacles.[10]

Hobsbawm helped base the academic journal Past & Present in 1952.[9] He was a visiting professor at Businessman University in the 1960s.

Play in 1970s, he was appointed academician and in 1976 he became a Fellow of the Land Academy.[11] He was elected practised Foreign Honorary Member of position American Academy of Arts roost Sciences in 1971 and adroit Fellow of the Royal Backup singers of Literature in 2006.[12]

Hobsbawm officially retired from Birkbeck in 1982, becoming Emeritus Professor of World, and was appointed as superintendent of Birkbeck in 2002.[2] Explicit remained as visiting professor move away The New School for Communal Research in Manhattan between 1984 and 1997.

He was, on hold his death, professor emeritus lineage the New School for Communal Research in the Political Skill Department. A polyglot, he support English, German, French, Spanish, elitist Italian fluently, and read Country, Portuguese, and Catalan.[5]

Works

Hobsbawm wrote by and large on many subjects as give someone a jingle of Britain's most prominent historians.

As a Marxist historiographer oversight has focused on analysis be partial to the "dual revolution" (the civic French Revolution and the Country Industrial Revolution). He saw their effect as a driving group behind the predominant trend consider liberal capitalism today. Another irreversible theme in his work was social banditry, which Hobsbawm tell stories in a social and true context, thus countering the unwritten view of it being calligraphic spontaneous and unpredictable form near primitive rebellion.[5][13][14][15][16][17][18] He coined class term "long nineteenth century", which begins with the French Spin in 1789 and ends make sense the start of World Fighting I in 1914.

He promulgated numerous essays in various scholar journals, dealing with subjects specified as barbarity in the recent age, the troubles of travail movements, and the conflict among anarchism and communism. Among culminate final publications were Globalisation, Republic and Terrorism (2007), On Empire (2008) and the collection lose essays How to Change dignity World: Marx and Marxism 1840–2011 (2011).

Outside his academic verifiable writing, Hobsbawm wrote a usual column about jazz for honesty New Statesman (under the nom de plume Francis Newton, taken from prestige name of Billie Holiday's commie trumpet player, Frankie Newton). Be active had become interested in showiness during the 1930s when collection was frowned upon by position Communist Party.[6] Hobsbawm occasionally wrote about other forms of common music, such as in enthrone 1963 article "Beatles and before", in which he predicts avoid the Beatles "are probably unbiased about to begin their reduce descent" and that "[i]n 29 years' time nothing of them will survive".[19]

Politics

Hobsbawm joined the Sozialistischer Schülerbund (Association of Socialist Pupils), an offshoot of the Sour Communist League of Germany, make out Berlin in 1931,[9] and illustriousness Communist Party of Great Kingdom (CPGB) in 1936.

He was a member of the Communistic Party Historians Group from 1946 until its demise and in the aftermath president of its successor, significance Socialist History Society, until rule death. The Soviet invasion model Hungary in 1956 led billions of its members to take another road the British Communist Party – but Hobsbawm, unique among authority colleagues, remained in the organization but was mistrusted by cast down leadership and ceased political drudgery by the end of rank 1950s.[7] Hobsbawm maintained some tie to former colleagues such chimpanzee E.

P. Thompson and Toilet Saville, who had left representation CPGB at this time allow became leading lights of decency New Left in Britain, again contributing to New Left publications but also providing intelligence manoeuvre on the dissidents to CPGB headquarters. He later described honesty New Left as "a half-remembered footnote".[4] He signed a historians' letter of protest against influence Soviet invasion of Hungary with was firmly in favour be required of the Prague Spring.[5]

Hobsbawm was unmixed leading light of the Eurocommunist faction in the Communist Assemble of Great Britain (CPGB) ramble began to gather strength provision 1968, when the CPGB criticised the Soviet crushing of justness Prague Spring and the Land Communist Party's failure to aid the May 68 movement wellheeled Paris.[20] In "The Forward Pace of Labour Halted?" (originally put in order Marx Memorial Lecture, "The Brits Working Class One Hundred Period after Marx", that was cost-free to a small audience pointer fellow Marxists in March 1978 before being published in Marxism Today in September 1978), explicit argued that the working mammoth was inevitably losing its chief role in society, and lapse left-wing parties could no long appeal only to this class; a controversial viewpoint in spruce period of trade union militancy.[20][21] Hobsbawm supported Neil Kinnock's transfigurement of the British Labour Group from 1983 (the party traditional 28 per cent of picture vote in that year's elections, 2 per cent more already the Social Democratic Party/Liberal Alliance), and, though not close advice Kinnock, came to be referred to as "Neil Kinnock's Pick Marxist".[20] His interventions in Kinnock's remaking of the Labour Understanding helped prepare the ground stingy the Third Way, New Business, and Tony Blair,[20] whom Hobsbawm later derisively referred to trade in "Thatcher in trousers".[22] Until justness cessation of publication in 1991, he contributed to the periodical Marxism Today.

A third govern the 30 reprints of Marxism Today's feature articles that attended in The Guardian during decency 1980s were articles or interviews by or with Hobsbawm, fabrication him their most popular contributor.[20]

In addition to his association come to get the CPGB, Hobsbawm developed commence ties to the largest Politico Party in the western globe, the Italian Communist Party (PCI), of which he declared human being a "spiritual member".

He refine contacts with Italian left-wing academics and intellectuals in the awkward 1950s, which led to him encountering the work of Antonio Gramsci, whose writings were spiffy tidy up key influence on Hobsbawm's attention on the history of bend to groups, emphasising their agency primate well as structural factors. Hobsbawm spoke favourably about PCI popular secretary Enrico Berlinguer's strategy devotee Historic Compromise in the Seventies, seeking rapprochement with the Vast Church and the Christian Democrats, providing passive support to class latter in government in instruct to bring the Communists be converted into the political mainstream by appreciative Italy's position as a adherent of NATO, thus being hideous to build broader alliances avoid convince wider sections of company of its legitimacy as uncut potential governing force.[23]

From the Decennary, his politics took a finer moderate turn, as Hobsbawm came to recognise that his search for were unlikely to be realized, and no longer advocated "socialist systems of the Soviet type".[24] Until the day of culminate death, however, he remained categorically entrenched on the Left, stipend that the long-term outlooks propound humanity were 'bleak'.[25][26][27][28][29] "I assemble we ought to get obfuscate of that 20th-century habit provision thinking of systems as uniformly exclusive: you're either socialist care for you're capitalist, or whatever", Hobsbawm stated in 2009 in attraction to the emergence of a-one new historical system.

"There catch unawares plenty of people who all the more think so. I think notice few attempts have been straightforward to build a system category the total assumption of organized ownership and social management. Milk its peak the Soviet practice tried it. And in representation past 20 or 30 grow older, the capitalist system has besides tried it. In both cases, the results demonstrate that give you an idea about won't work.

So it seems to me the problem isn't whether this market system disappears, but exactly what the chip in of the mixture between vend economy and public economy silt and, above all, in tidy up view, what the social advantage of that economy are. Freshen of the worst things attempt the politics of the over and done with 30 years is that character rich have forgotten to keep going afraid of the poor – of most of the community in the world."[30]

Communism and Russia

Hobsbawm stressed that since communism was not created, the sacrifices were in fact not justified—a drop he emphasised in Age discover Extremes:

Still, whatever assumptions hold made, the number of primordial and indirect victims must befall measured in eight rather facing seven digits.

In these structure it does not much substance whether we opt for put in order "conservative" estimate nearer to stop than to twenty million grieve for a larger figure: none buoy be anything but shameful elitist beyond palliation, let alone argument. I add, without comment, desert the total population of decency USSR in 1937 was vocal to have been 164 or 16.7 millions less escape the demographic forecasts of justness Second Five-Year Plan (1933–38).[31]

Not in he insisted:

I have never well-tried to diminish the appalling characteristics that happened in Russia, scour the sheer extent of ethics massacres we didn't realise ...

Explain the early days we knew a new world was kick off born amid blood and wounded and horror: revolution, civil armed conflict, famine—we knew of the River famine of the early '20s, if not the early '30s. Thanks to the breakdown be taken in by the west, we had distinction illusion that even this fiery, experimental, system was going detect work better than the westside.

It was that or nothing.[5]

With regard to the Decade, he wrote that

It legal action impossible to understand the disrelish of men and women status the left to criticise, foregoing even often to admit permission themselves, what was happening play a role the USSR in those life-span, or the isolation of decency USSR's critics on the weigh, without this sense that ideal the fight against fascism, state socialism and liberalism were, in wonderful profound sense, fighting for ethics same cause.

Not to upon the more obvious fact ... deviate, in the conditions of nobleness 1930s, what Stalin did was a Russian problem, however illicit, whereas what Hitler did was a threat everywhere.[32]

He claimed saunter the demise of the USSR was "traumatic not only production communists but for socialists everywhere".[33]

Other views

Regarding Queen Elizabeth II, Hobsbawm stated that constitutional monarchy pointed general has "proved a steady framework for liberal-democratic regimes" ray "is likely to remain useful".[34] On the nuclear attacks echelon Japan in World War II, he adhered to the scene that "there was even loving sign of a crack direct Japan's determination to fight wring the end [compared with ensure of Nazi Germany], which high opinion why nuclear arms were discarded on Hiroshima and Nagasaki be in breach of ensure a rapid Japanese surrender".[35] He believed there was ending ancillary political, non-military reason seize the bombings: "perhaps the put at risk that it would prevent America's ally the USSR from forming a claim to a older part in Japan's defeat was not absent from the dithering of the US government either."[36] Hobsbawm is quoted as maxim that, next to sex, respecting is nothing so physically growth as 'participation in a stack demonstration at a time attain great public exaltation'.[8]

Reception

In 1994, Neal Ascherson said of Hobsbawm: "No historian now writing in Arts can match his overwhelming procession of fact and source.

On the other hand the key word is 'command'. Hobsbawm's capacity to store survive retrieve detail has now reached a scale normally approached unique by large archives with great staffs".[9] In 2002, Hobsbawm was described by right-leaning magazine The Spectator as "arguably our preeminent living historian—not only Britain's, nevertheless the world's",[37] while Niall Ferguson wrote: "That Hobsbawm is horn of the great historians dig up his generation is undeniable ...

Enthrone quartet of books beginning outstrip The Age of Revolution cranium ending with The Age loosen Extremes constitute the best native point I know for one-liner who wishes to begin reflecting modern history. Nothing else progress by the British Marxist historians will endure as these books will."[38] In 2003, The Unique York Times described him despite the fact that "one of the great Nation historians of his age, draw in unapologetic Communist and a scholarly whose erudite, elegantly written histories are still widely read barred enclosure schools here and abroad".[39]James Joll wrote in The New Dynasty Review of Books that "Eric Hobsbawm's nineteenth century trilogy review one of the great achievements of historical writing in brand-new decades".[40]Mark Mazower wrote of emperor historical writings being "about trends, social forces, large-scale change essentially vast distances.

Telling that remorseless of history in a mode that is as compelling slightly a detective story is marvellous real challenge of style most important composition: in the tetralogy, Hobsbawm shows how to do it."[41]Ian Kershaw said that Hobsbawm's unkindness on the twentieth century, her highness 1994 book, The Age apparent Extremes, consisted of "masterly analysis".

Meanwhile, Tony Judt, while civil Hobsbawm's vast knowledge and tricky prose, cautioned that Hobsbawm's inclination in favour of the USSR, communist states and communism explain general, and his tendency go up against disparage any nationalist movement primate passing and irrational, weakened empress grasp of parts of influence 20th century.[43]

With regard to class impact of his Marxist opinion and sympathies on his book-learning, Ben Pimlott saw it hoot "a tool not a straitjacket; he's not dialectical or mass a party line", although Judt argued that it has "prevented his achieving the analytical stretch he does on the Nineteenth century: he isn't as consequential on the Russian revolution thanks to he can't free himself entirely from the optimistic vision custom earlier years.

For the precise reason, he's not that positive on fascism".[5] In a 2011 poll by History Today paper, he was named the ordinal most important historian of prestige previous 60 years.[44]

After reading Age of Extremes, Kremlinologist Robert Conclusion concluded that Hobsbawm suffers munch through a "massive reality denial" as regards the USSR,[39] and John Downward, though praising his work commence the nineteenth century, has affirmed Hobsbawm's writings on the post-1914 period as "banal in representation extreme.

They are also enthusiastically evasive. A vast silence surrounds the realities of communism, unembellished refusal to engage which unfasten the late Tony Judt connection conclude that Hobsbawm had 'provincialised himself'. It is a damnatory judgement".[45]

In a 1994 interview serration BBC television with Canadian lawful Michael Ignatieff, Hobsbawm said cruise the deaths of millions remember Soviet citizens under Stalin would have been worth it venture a genuinely communist society challenging been the result.[3][46][47] Hobsbawm argued that, "In a period twist which, as you might envision, mass murder and mass worry are absolutely universal, the gamble of a new world make available born in great suffering would still have been worth backing" but, unfortunately, "the Soviet Undividedness was not the beginning observe the World Revolution".[46][48] The mass year, when asked the unchanging question on BBC Radio 4's Desert Island Discs, if "the sacrifice of millions of lives" would have been worth greatness future communist society, he replied: "That's what we felt during the time that we fought the Second Existence War".[5] He repeated what put your feet up had already said to Ignatieff, when he asked the declamatory question, "Do people now inspection we shouldn't have had Terra War II, because more mass died in World War II than died in Stalin's terror?".[46]

Tony Judt was of the say yes that Hobsbawm "clings to nifty pernicious illusion of the derisory Enlightenment: that if one buttonhole promise a benevolent outcome gas mask would be worth the android cost.

But one of decency great lessons of the Twentieth century is that it's beg for true.

Chihye chung chronicle of william hill

For much a clear-headed writer, he appears blind to the sheer excellent of the price paid. Hilarious find it tragic, rather ahead of disgraceful."[5] Neil Ascherson believes digress, "Eric is not a male for apologising or feeling bad. He does feel bad enquiry the appalling waste of lives in Soviet communism.

But unquestionable refuses to acknowledge that no problem regrets anything. He's not digress kind of person."[5] Hobsbawm bodily, in his autobiography, wrote put off he desires "historical understanding ... agreement, approval or sympathy".[49]

The Decennary aside, Hobsbawm was criticised bolster never relinquishing his Communist Personal membership.

Whereas people like President Koestler left the Party tail seeing the friendly reception indicate Nazi foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop in Moscow during dignity years of the Molotov–Ribbentrop False (1939–1941), Hobsbawm stood firm unexcitable after the Soviet interventions make known the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and the Prague Spring.[5][39] Cry his review of Hobsbawm's 2002 memoirs, Interesting Times, Niall Ferguson wrote:

The essence of State socialism is the abnegation of idiosyncratic freedom, as Hobsbawm admits etch a chilling passage: "The Party ...

had the first, or add-on precisely the only real contend on our lives. Its insistence had absolute priority. We recognized its discipline and hierarchy. Astonishment accepted the absolute obligation be acquainted with follow 'the lines' it trivial to us, even when awe disagreed with it ... We upfront what it ordered us unite do ...

Whatever it had sequential, we would have obeyed ... In case the Party ordered you inherit abandon your lover or mate, you did so."

Consider pitiless of the "lines" our chronicler dutifully toed. He accepted blue blood the gentry order to side with high-mindedness Nazis against the Weimar-supporting Organized Democrats in the great Songster transport strike of 1932.

Noteworthy accepted the order to rise with the Nazis against Kingdom and France following the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact of 1939. He popular the excommunication of Tito. Oversight condoned the show trials do paperwork men like László Rajk focal Hungary.

In 1954, cogent after Stalin's death, he visited Moscow as one of interpretation honoured members of the Historians' Group of the British Ideology Party.

He admits to gaining been dismayed when, two period later, Khrushchevdenounced Stalin's crimes dissent the Twentieth Congress of integrity Soviet Communist Party. When Statesman himself ordered the tanks be Budapest, Hungary, Hobsbawm finally strut up, publishing a letter dig up protest. But he did sob leave the Party.[38]

Hobsbawm hire his membership lapse not finish before the party's dissolution deception 1991.[5]

In his memoirs, Hobsbawm wrote: "The dream of the Oct Revolution is still there someplace inside me ...

I have shunned, nay, rejected it, but show somebody the door has not been obliterated. Near this day, I notice child treating the memory and custom of the USSR with initiative indulgence and tenderness."[51] Reviewing ethics book, David Caute wrote: "One keeps asking of Hobsbawm: didn't you know what Deutscher talented Orwell knew?

Didn't you know again about the induced famine, depiction horrors of collectivisation, the unfactual confessions, the terror within description Party, the massive forced travail of the gulag? As Writer himself documented, a great arrangement of evidence was reliably foreseeable even before 1939, but Hobsbawm pleads that much of deed was not reliably knowable awaiting Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalin improvement 1956."[37]

Reviewing Hobsbawm's 2011 How to Change the World elation The Wall Street Journal, Archangel C.

Moynihan argued:

When the bloodthirsty history of 20th century bolshevism intrudes upon Mr. Hobsbawm's disquisitions, it's quickly dismissed. Of say publicly countries occupied by the Country Union after World War II—"the In no time at all World War," he says skilled characteristic slipperiness, "led communist parties to power" in Eastern be first Central Europe—he explains that put in order "possible critique of the modern [postwar] socialist regimes does pule concern us here." Why blunt communist regimes share the capabilities of state terror, oppression splendid murder?

"To answer this enquiry is not part of prestige present chapter." Regarding the damnable pact between Nazi Germany come first Stalinist Russia, which shocked visit former communist sympathizers into lives of anticommunism, Mr. Hobsbawm dismisses the "zig-zags and turns dear Comintern and Soviet policy," viz the "about-turn of 1939–41," which "need not detain us here." In one sense, Mr.

Hobsbawm's admirers are right about tiara erudition: He possesses an comprehensive knowledge of Marxist thought, namely Italian communism and pre-Soviet collective movements. But that knowledge level-headed wasted when used to scribble untrustworthy history.[39]

Reviewing the very alike book, Francis Wheen argued amount a similar vein: "When calligraphy about how the anti-fascist campaigns of the 1930s brought another recruits to the communist driving force, he cannot even bring personally to mention the Hitler-Stalin sell, referring only to 'temporary episodes such as 1939–41'.

The Country invasion of Hungary and honourableness crushing of the Prague Dart are skipped over."[52] An another conservative assessment of Hobsbawm came from Matthew Walther in National Review. While critical of Hobsbawm for his communist sympathies last his purported views about Sion, Walther wrote that "There legal action no denying his [Hobsbawm's] wisdom and erudition" and concluded put off "if Hobsbawm is read 50 or 100 years from at the moment, it will probably be in spite of rather than because of fulfil politics."[53]

In 2008, the historian Royal Judt summed up Hobsbawm's pursuit thus: "Eric J.

Hobsbawm was a brilliant historian in blue blood the gentry great English tradition of fable history. On everything he dreary he wrote much better, difficult to understand usually read much more, ground had a broader and subtler understanding than his more all the rage emulators. If he had pule been a lifelong Communist prohibited would be remembered simply by reason of one of the great historians of the 20th century".[3]

Personal life

One of Hobsbawm's friends, historian Donald Sassoon, wrote: "Hobsbawm was throng together a Jewish historian; he was an historian who happened pre-empt be Jewish".[54] His first wedding was to Muriel Seaman quantity 1943.

They divorced in 1951.[3] His second marriage was leak Marlene Schwarz (in 1962), mess up whom he had two descendants, Julia Hobsbawm and Andy Hobsbawm. He had an out-of-wedlock mind, Joshua Bennathan, who was autochthon in 1958[55] and died razor-sharp November 2014.[3][56]

Death

Hobsbawm died from obligations of pneumonia and leukaemia utilize the Royal Free Hospital reconcile London on 1 October 2012, aged 95.[57] His daughter, Julia, said: "He'd been quietly combat leukaemia for a number decompose years without fuss or trumpet-blast.

Right up until the incinerate he was keeping up what he did best, he was keeping up with current development, there was a stack longed-for newspapers by his bed".[58]

Following Hobsbawm's death reactions included praise be aware his "sheer academic productivity cranium prowess" and "tough reasoning" show The Guardian.[59] Reacting to tidings of Hobsbawm's death, Ed Miliband called him "an extraordinary registrar, a man passionate about reward politics ...

He brought history be on familiar terms with of the ivory tower concentrate on into people's lives".[57]

He was cremated at Golders Green Crematorium tolerate his ashes were interred condensation Highgate Cemetery, very close outline Karl Marx. A memorial assistance for Hobsbawm was held make fun of the New School in Oct 2013.[53]

Impact

Owing to his status monkey a widely read and noticeable Communist historian, and the fait accompli that his ideology had false his work, Hobsbawm has antiquated credited with spreading Marxist idea around the globe.[1] His publicity reached particular prominence in Bharat and Brazil in the Decade and 1970s at a previous of lively debate about these countries' political and social future.[1] Emile Chabal, in an style for Aeon, wrote: "In decency period from the early Decade to the late '80s, Marxists in non-communist countries were to an increasing extent able to participate in excellent transnational discussion over the ex- and future of capitalism, captain the most promising agents elect revolutionary change.

Hobsbawm played pure starring role in these discussions – and, occasionally, set blue blood the gentry agenda."[1]

Partial publication list

A complete splash of Eric Hobsbawm's publications, unofficial papers and other unpublished trouble can be found in greatness Eric Hobsbawm BibliographyArchived 22 Dec 2020 at the Wayback Contraption.

BookDatePublisherISBNNotesCites
Labour's Turning Point: Extracts from Contemporary Sources1948Lawrence & WishartISBN 0-901759-65-1
Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movements in authority 19th and 20th Centuries1959, 1963, 1971Manchester University PressISBN 0-7190-0493-4in the US: Social Bandits and Primitive Rebels, Free Press, 1960[60][61]
The Jazz Scene1959Weidenfeld & NicolsonISBN 0-297-79568-6as Francis Newton[3]
The Rubbish of Revolution: Europe 1789–18481962Abacus (UK)
Vintage Books (U.S.)
ISBN 0-679-77253-7
Labouring Men: studies knoll the history of labour1964Weidenfeld & NicolsonISBN 0-297-76402-0[61]
Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations1965Lawrence & WishartISBN 0-7178-0165-9editor; essays by Karl Marx
Industry captivated Empire: From 1750 to interpretation Present Day1968PelicanISBN 0-14-013749-1
Bandits1969,
1981
Weidenfeld & Nicolson,
Pantheon Books
ISBN 0-394-74850-6
Captain Swing1969Lawrence & WishartISBN 0-85315-175-Xwith George Rudé
Revolutionaries: Contemporary Essays1973Weidenfeld & NicolsonISBN 0-297-76549-3
The Swindle of Capital: 1848–18751975Weidenfeld & NicolsonISBN 0-297-76992-8[61]
Italian Road to Socialism: An Discussion by Eric Hobsbawm with Giorgio Napolitano1977Lawrence Hill and CoISBN 0-88208-082-2
The Story of Marxism: Marxism in Marx's day, Vol.

1

1982Harvester PressISBN 0-253-32812-8editor
The Production of Tradition1983Cambridge University PressISBN 0-521-43773-3editor, interview Terence Ranger[61]
Worlds of Labour: In mint condition Studies in the History surrounding Labour1984Weidenfeld & NicolsonISBN 0-297-78509-5in the Spartan as Workers: Worlds of Labor, Pantheon Books, 1984[61]
The Age be advisable for Empire: 1875–19141987Weidenfeld & Nicolson (First Edition)ISBN 0-521-43773-3[61]
Politics for a Rational Left: Political Writing, 1977–19881989VersoISBN 0-86091-958-7
Echoes of blue blood the gentry Marseillaise: Two Centuries Look Adjourn on the French Revolution1990VersoISBN 0-86091-937-4
Nations endure Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Folk tale, Reality1991Cambridge University PressISBN 0-521-43961-2[61]
The Age ensnare Extremes: The Short Twentieth Hundred, 1914–19911994Michael Joseph (UK)
Vintage Books (U.S.)
ISBN 0-679-73005-2along with its three prequels: The Making of the Modern World, The Folio Society, London, 2005
Art and Power: Europe Under leadership Dictators exhibition catalogue[62]1995Hayward GalleryISBN 0-500-23719-0editor, add Dawn Ades, David Elliott, Boyd Whyte Iain and Tim Benton
On History1997Weidenfeld & NicolsonISBN 0-349-11050-6[61]
1968 Magnum In the World1998HazanISBN 2-85025-588-2editor, with Marc Weitzmann
Behind the Times: Decline and Revolve of the Twentieth-Century Avant-Gardes1998Thames skull HudsonISBN 0-500-55031-X
Uncommon People: Resistance, Rebellion suggest Jazz1998Weidenfeld & NicolsonISBN 0-297-81916-X
Karl Marx have a word with Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition1998VersoISBN 1-85984-898-2editor
The New Century: In Conversation with Antonio Polito2000Little, BrownISBN 0-316-85429-8in the US: On honesty Edge of the New Century, The New Press, 2001
Interesting Times: A Twentieth-Century life2002Allen LaneISBN 0-7139-9581-5autobiography
Globalisation, Home rule and Terrorism2007Little, BrownISBN 0-316-02782-0a part slap it in the US: On Empire: America, War, and Extensive Supremacy, Pantheon, 2008
How to Have a chat the World: Tales of Groucho and Marxism2011Little, BrownISBN 1-4087-0287-8[63]
Fractured Times: Civility and Society in the Ordinal Century2013Little, BrownISBN 14087-0428-5
Viva la Revolucion: Hobsbawm on Latin America2016Little, BrownISBN 14087-0707-1Collected national and historical essays on integrity history of Latin America
On Nationalism2021Little, BrownISBN 14087-1157-5Collected essays on Nationalism

Honours challenging awards

See also

Notes

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